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各位读者朋友:
《新视角》杂志总第74期(2017年2月)已经出版,部分文章将在钝角网发布,以飨读者。
附:《新视角》总第74期中英文目录和摘要
·观察·
全球事务
9 新年致辞
20 德国国际政策和安全研究所 危机场景:国际政治的冲突结构和问题互连——2017年展望
57 thomas fingar(美国) 中美关系:同床异梦共命运
65 小谷哲男(日本) 日本海洋安全保障政策的国情概况
73 霍建岗 对当前日本内政与外交的综合评价
转型
86 jonathan haidt(美国) sam abrams(美国) 美国政治困境的十大原因
·智慧·
94 欧盟安全问题研究所 战略传播:东方与南方
128 naruemon thabchumpon(泰国) 彼此竞争的政治网络:对泰国政治中黄衫军和红衫军的研究
来信讨论
139 吴戈 中国的航母之困
书评
152 刘握宇 黑暗大陆的启示
155 潘文(美国) 《美丽国度与中央王国:1776年至今的美国与中国》前言
content of issue 74 of the magazine leaders
observation
global affairs
9 new year addresses
20 outlook for 2017: a landscape of crises
57 the united states and china: same bed, different dreams, shared destiny
65 a country profile of japan’s maritime security policy
73 a comprehensive evaluation of japan’s current domestic and foreign policy
transition
86 the top ten reasons american politics are so broken
wisdom
94 strategic communications: east and south
128 contending political networks: a study of the “yellow shirts” and “red shirts” in thailand’s politics
letters
139 china’s dilemma around aircraft carriers
book review
152 review of dark continent: europe’s twentieth century
155 prologue to the beautiful country and the middle kingdom
summary of issue 74 of the magazine leaders
the top ten reasons american politics are so broken
we simply note that political rhetoric and attitudes toward bipartisanship changed greatly when the generation of george h. w. bush and tip o’neil passed the baton to the generation of bill clinton and newt gingrich. the older politicians were certainly partisan, but consistent with the bedouin proverb, they could shift their alliances as threats shifted. hyper-partisanship might even be defined as “us against them, regardless of whatever threats we all face in common.”
strategic communications: east and south
any potential cleavage or actual divide within the eu is picked up and amplified. the refugee crisis is a case in point: russia sought to inflame the issue, supporting an anti-refugee stance verging on outright racism, while suppressing any information inside russia that could damage relations with its own muslim communities. so while russian headlines blamed europe’s excessive tolerance for the terrorist attacks in paris and brussels, the news of a jihadist uzbek migrant who killed a child in moscow was not even reported on russian state tv.
contending political networks: a study of the “yellow shirts” and “red shirts” in thailand’s politics
both the pad and the udd can be seen as cross-class networks that have adopted a dual strategy: engaging in the issue-based politics of being for or against a particular person or subject matter, and at the same time comprising a social grouping for the betterment of the people. both networks use the politics of networking in associating those affected by particular political projects or state policies in order to mobilize different networks’ members into a common identity. members of the network share the same perspective and are committed to being more engaged in political struggles because of reciprocal perceptions deriving from direct experiences. according to interviews with individual members who participated in the struggles, perceptions of the power relationship between themselves and the authorities changed markedly.
各位读者朋友:
《新视角》杂志总第74期(2017年2月)已经出版,部分文章将在钝角网发布,以飨读者。
附:《新视角》总第74期中英文目录和摘要
·观察·
全球事务
9 新年致辞
20 德国国际政策和安全研究所 危机场景:国际政治的冲突结构和问题互连——2017年展望
57 thomas fingar(美国) 中美关系:同床异梦共命运
65 小谷哲男(日本) 日本海洋安全保障政策的国情概况
73 霍建岗 对当前日本内政与外交的综合评价
转型
86 jonathan haidt(美国) sam abrams(美国) 美国政治困境的十大原因
·智慧·
94 欧盟安全问题研究所 战略传播:东方与南方
128 naruemon thabchumpon(泰国) 彼此竞争的政治网络:对泰国政治中黄衫军和红衫军的研究
来信讨论
139 吴戈 中国的航母之困
书评
152 刘握宇 黑暗大陆的启示
155 潘文(美国) 《美丽国度与中央王国:1776年至今的美国与中国》前言
content of issue 74 of the magazine leaders
observation
global affairs
9 new year addresses
20 outlook for 2017: a landscape of crises
57 the united states and china: same bed, different dreams, shared destiny
65 a country profile of japan’s maritime security policy
73 a comprehensive evaluation of japan’s current domestic and foreign policy
transition
86 the top ten reasons american politics are so broken
wisdom
94 strategic communications: east and south
128 contending political networks: a study of the “yellow shirts” and “red shirts” in thailand’s politics
letters
139 china’s dilemma around aircraft carriers
book review
152 review of dark continent: europe’s twentieth century
155 prologue to the beautiful country and the middle kingdom
summary of issue 74 of the magazine leaders
the top ten reasons american politics are so broken
we simply note that political rhetoric and attitudes toward bipartisanship changed greatly when the generation of george h. w. bush and tip o’neil passed the baton to the generation of bill clinton and newt gingrich. the older politicians were certainly partisan, but consistent with the bedouin proverb, they could shift their alliances as threats shifted. hyper-partisanship might even be defined as “us against them, regardless of whatever threats we all face in common.”
strategic communications: east and south
any potential cleavage or actual divide within the eu is picked up and amplified. the refugee crisis is a case in point: russia sought to inflame the issue, supporting an anti-refugee stance verging on outright racism, while suppressing any information inside russia that could damage relations with its own muslim communities. so while russian headlines blamed europe’s excessive tolerance for the terrorist attacks in paris and brussels, the news of a jihadist uzbek migrant who killed a child in moscow was not even reported on russian state tv.
contending political networks: a study of the “yellow shirts” and “red shirts” in thailand’s politics
both the pad and the udd can be seen as cross-class networks that have adopted a dual strategy: engaging in the issue-based politics of being for or against a particular person or subject matter, and at the same time comprising a social grouping for the betterment of the people. both networks use the politics of networking in associating those affected by particular political projects or state policies in order to mobilize different networks’ members into a common identity. members of the network share the same perspective and are committed to being more engaged in political struggles because of reciprocal perceptions deriving from direct experiences. according to interviews with individual members who participated in the struggles, perceptions of the power relationship between themselves and the authorities changed markedly.
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