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各位读者朋友:
《新视角》杂志总第81期(2018年4月)已经出版,部分文章将在钝角网发布,以飨读者。
附:《新视角》杂志总第81期中英文目录和摘要
·观察·
中日学者经济对话9
roderick parkes 谁都不许动!——欧盟移民危机的神话(下) 50
王晋 叙利亚库尔德人的诉求与挑战 96
林晓光 战后日本的对朝鲜政策:既近且远的两难选择 107
·智慧·
杜冰 巴基斯坦军政关系刍议 118
张宗华 俄国贵族等级制度的特征 138
来信讨论
裴毅然 秘鲁“光辉道路”活动略议 148
·格调·
刘涛:“我不抛弃学术,也不抛弃市场”154
content of issue 81 of the magazine leaders
observation
9 dialogue between chinese and japanese scholars on economic issues
50 nobody move! myths of the eu migration crisis (ⅱ)
96 syrian kurds’ political demands and challenges
107 japan’s post-war north korea policy
wisdom
118 on pakistan’s civil-military relations
138 on characteristics of russian nobility system
letters
148 review on the shining path in peru
summary of issue 81 of the magazine leaders
dialogue between chinese and japanese scholars on economic issues
the biggest problem after the plaza accord is that excessive monetary easing and the simultaneous expansion of domestic demand have led to a bubble economy. the plaza accord is not so much to result in the bubble economy as the fear of the yen’s rise.
nobody move! myths of the eu migration crisis (ⅱ)
belarus, the only one of the six without territorial problems, now expressed its fears to brussels that its estrangement from russia posed a threat to its territorial integrity (until then, belarus had willingly provided part of the land-bridge between kaliningrad and the rest of russia; now there were fears that moscow might seize part of its territory). as in eritrea, the eu found surprising opportunities for cooperation. belarus believed it could use the neighbourhood multilateral track to spread its own model of migration and border management. it wanted to cooperate on the flow of vietnamese migrants across its territory. minsk was keen even to negotiate a mobility partnership with the eu, although this would expose it to a degree of political conditionality as well as people-to-people exchanges at the social level. belarus was eager to gain access for its citizens to the eu, because the eu treats migrants well.
on pakistan’s civil-military relations
the withdrawal of pakistani military from politics does not mean that pakistan is fully in the path of parliamentary democracy. the military still has a lot of decision-making power in defence and diplomacy, and tackles the internal affairs of the armed forces highly on its own. the army’s retreat from political arena is only temporary, and it is ready to step in once political instability occurs in the country or the government misbehaves.
各位读者朋友:
《新视角》杂志总第81期(2018年4月)已经出版,部分文章将在钝角网发布,以飨读者。
附:《新视角》杂志总第81期中英文目录和摘要
·观察·
中日学者经济对话9
roderick parkes 谁都不许动!——欧盟移民危机的神话(下) 50
王晋 叙利亚库尔德人的诉求与挑战 96
林晓光 战后日本的对朝鲜政策:既近且远的两难选择 107
·智慧·
杜冰 巴基斯坦军政关系刍议 118
张宗华 俄国贵族等级制度的特征 138
来信讨论
裴毅然 秘鲁“光辉道路”活动略议 148
·格调·
刘涛:“我不抛弃学术,也不抛弃市场”154
content of issue 81 of the magazine leaders
observation
9 dialogue between chinese and japanese scholars on economic issues
50 nobody move! myths of the eu migration crisis (ⅱ)
96 syrian kurds’ political demands and challenges
107 japan’s post-war north korea policy
wisdom
118 on pakistan’s civil-military relations
138 on characteristics of russian nobility system
letters
148 review on the shining path in peru
summary of issue 81 of the magazine leaders
dialogue between chinese and japanese scholars on economic issues
the biggest problem after the plaza accord is that excessive monetary easing and the simultaneous expansion of domestic demand have led to a bubble economy. the plaza accord is not so much to result in the bubble economy as the fear of the yen’s rise.
nobody move! myths of the eu migration crisis (ⅱ)
belarus, the only one of the six without territorial problems, now expressed its fears to brussels that its estrangement from russia posed a threat to its territorial integrity (until then, belarus had willingly provided part of the land-bridge between kaliningrad and the rest of russia; now there were fears that moscow might seize part of its territory). as in eritrea, the eu found surprising opportunities for cooperation. belarus believed it could use the neighbourhood multilateral track to spread its own model of migration and border management. it wanted to cooperate on the flow of vietnamese migrants across its territory. minsk was keen even to negotiate a mobility partnership with the eu, although this would expose it to a degree of political conditionality as well as people-to-people exchanges at the social level. belarus was eager to gain access for its citizens to the eu, because the eu treats migrants well.
on pakistan’s civil-military relations
the withdrawal of pakistani military from politics does not mean that pakistan is fully in the path of parliamentary democracy. the military still has a lot of decision-making power in defence and diplomacy, and tackles the internal affairs of the armed forces highly on its own. the army’s retreat from political arena is only temporary, and it is ready to step in once political instability occurs in the country or the government misbehaves.
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